Pakistan’s reform moment missed again
Pakistan is again in the news
with the dismissal of the Prime Minister by the Supreme court. The
international media is calling it a manipulation of the Pakistan army.
Yet experience shows that democratic
governments reveal incompetence and corruption within a year of taking oath.
The polity starts bubbling with rumors of misgovernance and corruption. The opposition
which is always marginalized finds street protests preferable to parliament.
Why?
Part of the answer lies in the
fact that Pakistan hastily adopted the UK constitution, which is an unwritten
set of norms and rules embedded in British history and culture. No serious
attempts have been made to adapt it to local environment and culture
For example, election process
and party system has never been properly defined. Every election is considered
to be rigged and all parties are virtual personality cults with no internal
process, management, policy development capacity or clear membership.
Elections are mere selection
of dynasties and democracy mere bickering among the few who have regarded the
country as a fiefdom. 2 families—Bhuttos and Sharifs—have led politics for the last
40 years while evidence (Ali
Cheema et al) has shown that about two thirds of legislators have come from
about 400 families to make policies in a country of 200 million people.
The state is captured by dynasties.
Dynastic politicians don’t even file a tax return and those that do have a life
style way beyond the tax that they paid.
Beyond
taxes power is egregiously abused every day. Recently a minister (member of an
important clan) ran over a policemen a in broad daylight and it remains to be
seen if he faces any consequences. In the past, too often they have not.
Parliament is dysfunctional. The
Chairman of the senate repeatedly complains of the lack of attendance and the
continued absence of ministers and the PM. Budget discussions are among the
shortest in the world and pass without any opposition.
But then, parliament made itself redundant by making it mandatory to vote along
party lines (14th amendment).
Elected PMs operate through an
‘inner cabinet’ of favorites—family members, civil servants and unelected
friends. Policy is merely PM’s whim. Policies and projects are put in place
without due diligence; international agreements signed without analysis; and loans
are signed with no transparency. Public disclosure is severely limited.
The executive retains many
control devices (inherited from the raj) to corrupt all and weaken democracy. Like
a medieval king, the PM can at his discretion award favorites—judges, officials
and others-- government-owned mansions, cars, land grants and post retirement
jobs.
The PM does not see himself as
the first minister leading the process of changing policies through debate in
Parliament cabinet and the public domain. We hear of Nawaz Sharif wanting
better ties with India but on a personal level. Yet, no policy statement has
been made by him, nor have we seen a cabinet or parliamentary process for
making this happen.
Perhaps Fareed Zakaria’s book
“Illiberal democracy” needs a follow-up to tell us how to fix this
authoritarian, dynastic system.
If he did, surely, he would
point to needed constitutional changes to build checks and balances to
arbitrary power. At a minimum, the PM needs to be fully engaged with a working,
independent parliament and an engaged consultative full cabinet. No more
whimsical policymaking without due process.
Several options are available
to end dynastic politics. Election systems independent of the executive and
beyond rigging are a must. Term limits, even family limits, systems other than
mere first-past-the-post, formalized party systems that allow more in-party
democracy and much more can be considered.
Perhaps the most important
crucible of democracy local government, which dynastic politics has blocked for
decades, could be developed to bring democracy closer to the community.
Government departments and
agencies are an agency of restraint against willful government. The excessive
centralization of inherited colonial systems must be reformed to allow more
room for independent regulatory and watchdog agencies to provide more
monitoring and evaluation to voters.
Pakistan polity needs reform.
Talking conspiracies and personality politics will lose yet another reform
moment.
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